L i b e r a l e
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Sammlung Originaldokumente in http://www.liberale-notizen.de |
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Rede von Theresa May,
Premierministerin A little over six months ago, the British people voted for change. They voted to shape a brighter future for our
country. They voted to leave the European Union and embrace
the world. And they did so with their eyes open: accepting that
the road ahead will be uncertain at times, but believing that it leads
towards a brighter future for their children – and their grandchildren too. And it is the job of this Government to deliver it.
That means more than negotiating our new relationship with the EU. It means
taking the opportunity of this great moment of national change to step back
and ask ourselves what kind of country we want to be. My answer is clear. I want this United Kingdom to emerge
from this period of change stronger, fairer, more united and more
outward-looking than ever before. I want us to be a secure, prosperous,
tolerant country – a magnet for international talent and a home to the
pioneers and innovators who will shape the world ahead. I want us to be a
truly Global Britain – the best friend and neighbour
to our European partners, but a country that reaches beyond the borders of
Europe too. A country that goes out into the world to build relationships
with old friends and new allies alike. I want Britain to be what we have the potential,
talent and ambition to be. A great, global trading nation that is respected
around the world and strong, confident and united at home. That is why this Government has a Plan for Britain.
One that gets us the right deal abroad but also ensures we get a better deal
for ordinary working people at home. It's why that plan sets out how we will use this
moment of change to build a stronger economy and a fairer society by
embracing genuine economic and social reform. Why our new Modern Industrial Strategy is being
developed, to ensure every nation and area of the United Kingdom can make the
most of the opportunities ahead. Why we will go further to reform our schools
to ensure every child has the knowledge and the skills they need to thrive in
post-Brexit Britain. Why as we continue to bring
the deficit down, we will take a balanced approach by investing in our
economic infrastructure - because it can transform the growth potential of
our economy, and improve the quality of people's lives across the whole
country. It's why we will put the preservation of our
precious Union at the heart of everything we do. Because it is only by coming
together as one great union of nations and people that we can make the most
of the opportunities ahead. The result of the referendum was not a decision to
turn inward and retreat from the world. Because Britain's history and culture is profoundly
internationalist. We are a European country – and proud of our shared
European heritage - but we are also a country that has always looked beyond
Europe to the wider world. That is why we are one of the most racially
diverse countries in Europe, one of the most multicultural members of the
European Union, and why – whether we are talking about India, Pakistan,
Bangladesh, America, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, countries in Africa or
those that are closer to home in Europe – so many of us have close friends
and relatives from across the world. Instinctively, we want to travel to, study in, trade with countries not just in Europe but beyond the
borders of our continent. Even now as we prepare to leave the EU, we are
planning for the next biennial Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in
2018 – a reminder of our unique and proud global relationships. And it is important to recognise
this fact. June the 23rd was not the moment Britain chose to step back from
the world. It was the moment we chose to build a truly Global Britain. I know that this – and the other reasons Britain
took such a decision – is not always well understood among our friends and
allies in Europe. And I know many fear that this might herald the beginning
of a greater unravelling of the EU. But let me be clear: I do not want that to happen.
It would not be in the best interests of Britain. It remains overwhelmingly
and compellingly in Britain's national interest that the EU should succeed.
And that is why I hope in the months and years ahead we will all reflect on
the lessons of Britain's decision to leave. So let me take this opportunity to set out the
reasons for our decision and to address the people of Europe directly. It's not simply because our history and culture is
profoundly internationalist, important though that is. Many in Britain have
always felt that the United Kingdom's place in the European Union came at the
expense of our global ties, and of a bolder embrace of free trade with the
wider world. There are other important reasons too. Our political traditions are different. Unlike other
European countries, we have no written constitution, but the principle of
Parliamentary Sovereignty is the basis of our unwritten constitutional
settlement. We have only a recent history of devolved governance – though it
has rapidly embedded itself – and we have little history of coalition
government. The public expect to be able to hold their governments to account
very directly, and as a result supranational
institutions as strong as those created by the European Union sit very
uneasily in relation to our political history and way of life. And, while I know Britain might at times have been
seen as an awkward member state, the European Union has struggled to deal
with the diversity of its member countries and their interests. It bends
towards uniformity, not flexibility. David Cameron's negotiation was a
valiant final attempt to make it work for Britain - and I want to thank all those elsewhere in Europe who helped him reach an
agreement - but the blunt truth, as we know, is that there was not enough
flexibility on many important matters for a majority of British voters. Auf den folgenden Absatz wird in “Die Tür
formvollendet zugeknallt“ hingewiesen Now I do not believe that these things apply
uniquely to Britain. Britain is not the only member state where there is a
strong attachment to accountable and democratic government, such a strong
internationalist mindset, or a belief that diversity within Europe should be
celebrated. And so I believe there is a lesson in Brexit
not just for Britain but, if it wants to succeed, for the EU itself. Because our continent's great strength has always
been its diversity. And there are two ways of dealing with different
interests. You can respond by trying to hold things together by force,
tightening a vice-like grip that ends up crushing into tiny pieces the very
things you want to protect. Or you can respect difference, cherish it even,
and reform the EU so that it deals better with the wonderful diversity of its
member states. So to our friends across Europe, let me say this. Our vote to leave the European Union was no
rejection of the values we share. The decision to leave the EU represents no
desire to become more distant to you, our friends and neighbours.
It was no attempt to do harm to the EU itself or to any of its remaining
member states. We do not want to turn the clock back to the days when Europe
was less peaceful, less secure and less able to trade freely. It was a vote
to restore, as we see it, our parliamentary democracy, national
self-determination, and to become even more global and internationalist in
action and in spirit. We will continue to be reliable partners, willing
allies and close friends. We want to buy your goods and services, sell you
ours, trade with you as freely as possible, and work with one another to make
sure we are all safer, more secure and more prosperous through continued
friendship. You will still be welcome in this country as we hope
our citizens will be welcome in yours. At a time when together we face a
serious threat from our enemies, Britain's unique intelligence capabilities
will continue to help to keep people in Europe safe from terrorism. And at a
time when there is growing concern about European security, Britain's
servicemen and women, based in European countries including Estonia, Poland
and Romania, will continue to do their duty. We are leaving the European Union, but we are not
leaving Europe. And that is why we seek a new and equal partnership
– between an independent, self-governing, Global Britain and our friends and
allies in the EU. Not partial membership of the European Union,
associate membership of the European Union, or anything that leaves us
half-in, half-out. We do not seek to adopt a model already enjoyed by other
countries. We do not seek to hold on to bits of membership as we leave. No, the United Kingdom is leaving the European
Union. And my job is to get the right deal for Britain as we do. So today I want to outline our objectives for the
negotiation ahead. 12 objectives that amount to one big goal: a new, positive
and constructive partnership between Britain and the European Union. And as we negotiate that partnership, we will be
driven by some simple principles: we will provide as much certainty and
clarity as we can at every stage. And we will take this opportunity to make
Britain stronger, to make Britain fairer, and to build a more Global Britain
too. 1. Certainty The first objective is crucial. We will provide
certainty wherever we can. We are about to enter a negotiation. That means
there will be give and take. There will have to be compromises. It will
require imagination on both sides. And not everybody will be able to know
everything at every stage. But I recognise how
important it is to provide business, the public sector, and everybody with as
much certainty as possible as we move through the process. So where we can offer that certainty, we will do so. That is why last year we acted quickly to give
clarity about farm payments and university funding. And it is why, as we repeal the European Communities
Act, we will convert the “acquis” – the body of
existing EU law – into British law. This will give the country maximum certainty as we
leave the EU. The same rules and laws will apply on the day after Brexit as they did before. And it will be for the British
Parliament to decide on any changes to that law after full scrutiny and
proper Parliamentary debate. And when it comes to Parliament, there is one other
way in which I would like to provide certainty. I can confirm today that the
Government will put the final deal that is agreed between the UK and the EU
to a vote in both Houses of Parliament, before it comes into force. A Stronger Britain Our second guiding principle is to build a stronger
Britain. 2. Control of
our own laws That means taking control of our own affairs, as
those who voted in their millions to leave the European Union demanded we
must. So we will take back control of our laws and bring
an end to the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice in Britain. Leaving the European Union will mean that our laws
will be made in Westminster, Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast. And those laws
will be interpreted by judges not in Luxembourg but
in courts across this country. Because we will not have truly left the European
Union if we are not in control of our own laws. 3. Strengthen
the Union A stronger Britain demands that we do something else
– strengthen the precious union between the four nations of the United
Kingdom. At this momentous time, it is more important than
ever that we face the future together, united by what makes us strong: the
bonds that unite us as a people, and our shared interest in the UK being an
open, successful trading nation in the future. And I hope that same spirit of unity will apply in
Northern Ireland in particular over the coming months in the Assembly
elections, and the main parties there will work together to re-establish a
partnership government as soon as possible. Foreign affairs are of course the responsibility of
the UK Government, and in dealing with them we act in the interests of all
parts of the United Kingdom. As Prime Minister, I take that responsibility
seriously. I have also been determined from the start that the
devolved administrations should be fully engaged in this process. That is why the Government has set up a Joint
Ministerial Committee on EU Negotiations, so ministers from each of the UK's
devolved administrations can contribute to the process of planning for our
departure from the European Union. We have already received a paper from the Scottish
Government, and look forward to receiving a paper from the Welsh Government
shortly. Both papers will be considered as part of this important process. We
won't agree on everything, but I look forward to working with the
administrations in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland to deliver a Brexit that works for the whole of the United Kingdom. Part of that will mean working very carefully to
ensure that – as powers are repatriated from Brussels back to Britain - the
right powers are returned to Westminster, and the right powers are passed to
the devolved administrations of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. As we do so, our guiding principle must be to ensure
that – as we leave the European Union – no new barriers to living and doing
business within our own Union are created, That means maintaining the necessary common
standards and frameworks for our own domestic market, empowering the UK as an
open, trading nation to strike the best trade deals around the world, and
protecting the common resources of our islands. And as we do this, I should equally be clear that no
decisions currently taken by the devolved administrations will be removed
from them. 4. Maintain
the Common Travel Area with Ireland We cannot forget that, as we leave, the United
Kingdom will share a land border with the EU, and maintaining that Common
Travel Area with the Republic of Ireland will be an important priority for
the UK in the talks ahead. There has been a Common Travel Area between the UK
and the Republic of Ireland for many years. Indeed, it was formed before
either of our two countries were members of the European Union. And the
family ties and bonds of affection that unite our two countries mean that
there will always be a special relationship between us. So we will work to deliver a practical solution that
allows the maintenance of the Common Travel Area with the Republic, while
protecting the integrity of the United Kingdom's immigration system. Nobody wants to return to the borders of the past,
so we will make it a priority to deliver a practical solution as soon as we
can. The third principle is to build a fairer Britain.
That means ensuring it is fair to everyone who lives and works in this
country. 5. Control of
immigration And that is why we will ensure we can control
immigration to Britain from Europe. We will continue to attract the brightest and the
best to work or study in Britain – indeed openness to international talent
must remain one of this country's most distinctive assets – but that process
must be managed properly so that our immigration system serves the national
interest. So we will get control of the number of people
coming to Britain from the EU. Because while controlled immigration can bring great
benefits – filling skills shortages, delivering public services, making
British businesses the world-beaters they often are – when the numbers get
too high, public support for the system falters. In the last decade or so, we have seen record levels
of net migration in Britain, and that sheer volume has put pressure on public
services, like schools, stretched our infrastructure, especially housing, and
put a downward pressure on wages for working class people. As Home Secretary
for six years, I know that you cannot control immigration overall when there
is free movement to Britain from Europe. Britain is an open and tolerant country. We will
always want immigration, especially high-skilled immigration, we will always
want immigration from Europe, and we will always welcome individual migrants
as friends. But the message from the public before and during the referendum
campaign was clear: Brexit must mean control of the
number of people who come to Britain from Europe. And that is what we will
deliver. 6. Rights for
EU nationals in Britain, and British nationals in the EU Fairness demands that we deal with another issue as
soon as possible too. We want to guarantee the rights of EU citizens who are
already living in Britain, and the rights of British nationals in other
member states, as early as we can. I have told other EU leaders that we could give
people the certainty they want straight away, and reach such a deal now. Many of them favour such
an agreement – one or two others do not – but I want everyone to know that it
remains an important priority for Britain – and for many other member states
– to resolve this challenge as soon as possible. Because it is the right and
fair thing to do. 7. Protect workers'
rights And a fairer Britain is a country that protects and
enhances the rights people have at work. That is why, as we translate the body of European
law into our domestic regulations, we will ensure that workers rights are
fully protected and maintained. Indeed, under my leadership, not only will the
Government protect the rights of workers' set out in European legislation, we
will build on them. Because under this Conservative Government, we will make
sure legal protection for workers keeps pace with the changing labour market – and that the voices of workers are heard
by the boards of publicly-listed companies for the first time. But the great prize for this country – the
opportunity ahead – is to use this moment to build a truly Global Britain. A
country that reaches out to old friends and new allies alike. A great,
global, trading nation. And one of the firmest advocates for free trade
anywhere in the world. 8. Free trade
with European markets That starts with our close friends and neighbours in Europe. So as a priority, we will pursue a
bold and ambitious Free Trade Agreement with the European Union. This agreement should allow for the freest possible
trade in goods and services between Britain and the EU's member states. It should
give British companies the maximum freedom to trade with and operate within
European markets - and let European businesses do the same in Britain. But I want to be clear. What I am proposing cannot
mean membership of the Single Market. European leaders have said many times that
membership means accepting the “four freedoms” of goods, capital, services
and people. And being out of the EU but a member of the Single Market would
mean complying with the EU's rules and regulations that implement those freedoms,
without having a vote on what those rules and regulations are. It would mean
accepting a role for the European Court of Justice that would see it still
having direct legal authority in our country. It would to all intents and purposes mean not leaving
the EU at all. And that is why both sides in the referendum
campaign made it clear that a vote to leave the EU would be a vote to leave
the Single Market. So we do not seek membership of the Single Market.
Instead we seek the greatest possible access to it through a new,
comprehensive, bold and ambitious Free Trade Agreement. That Agreement may take in elements of current
Single Market arrangements in certain areas – on the export of cars and
lorries for example, or the freedom to provide financial services across
national borders – as it makes no sense to start again from scratch when
Britain and the remaining Member States have adhered to the same rules for so
many years. But I respect the position taken by European leaders
who have been clear about their position, just as I am clear about mine. So
an important part of the new strategic partnership we seek with the EU will
be the pursuit of the greatest possible access to the Single Market, on a
fully reciprocal basis, through a comprehensive Free Trade Agreement. And because we will no longer be members of the
Single Market, we will not be required to contribute huge sums to the EU
budget. There may be some specific European programmes
in which we might want to participate. If so, and this will be for us to
decide, it is reasonable that we should make an appropriate contribution. But
the principle is clear: the days of Britain making vast contributions to the
European Union every year will end. 9. New trade
agreements with other countries But it is not just trade with the EU we should be
interested in. A Global Britain must be free to strike trade agreements with
countries from outside the European Union too. Because important though our trade with the EU is
and will remain, it is clear that the UK needs to increase significantly its
trade with the fastest growing export markets in the world. Since joining the EU, trade as a percentage of GDP
has broadly stagnated in the UK. That is why it is time for Britain to get
out into the world and rediscover its role as a great, global, trading
nation. This is such a priority for me that when I became
Prime Minister I established, for the first time, a Department for
International Trade, led by Liam Fox. We want to get out into the wider world, to trade
and do business all around the globe. Countries including China, Brazil, and
the Gulf States have already expressed their interest in striking trade deals
with us. We have started discussions on future trade ties with countries like
Australia, New Zealand and India. And President Elect Trump has said Britain
is not “at the back of the queue” for a trade deal with the United States,
the world's biggest economy, but front of the line. I know my emphasis on striking trade agreements with
countries outside Europe has led to questions about whether Britain seeks to
remain a member of the EU's Customs Union. And it is true that full Customs
Union membership prevents us from negotiating our own comprehensive trade
deals. Now, I want Britain to be able to negotiate its own
trade agreements. But I also want tariff-free trade with Europe and
cross-border trade there to be as frictionless as possible. That means I do not want Britain to be part of the
Common Commercial Policy and I do not want us to be bound by the Common
External Tariff. These are the elements of the Customs Union that prevent us
from striking our own comprehensive trade agreements with other countries.
But I do want us to have a customs agreement with the EU. Whether that means we must reach a completely new
customs agreement, become an associate member of the Customs Union in some
way, or remain a signatory to some elements of it, I hold no preconceived
position. I have an open mind on how we do it. It is not the means that matter,
but the ends. And those ends are clear: I want to remove as many
barriers to trade as possible. And I want Britain to be free to establish our
own tariff schedules at the World Trade Organisation,
meaning we can reach new trade agreements not just with the European Union
but with old friends and new allies from outside Europe too. 10. The best
place for science and innovation A Global Britain must also be a country that looks
to the future. That means being one of the best places in the world for science
and innovation. One of our great strengths as a nation is the
breadth and depth of our academic and scientific communities, backed up by
some of the world's best universities. And we have a proud history of leading
and supporting cutting-edge research and innovation. So we will also welcome agreement to continue to
collaborate with our European partners on major science, research, and
technology initiatives. From space exploration to clean energy to medical
technologies, Britain will remain at the forefront of collective endeavours to better understand, and make better, the
world in which we live. 11.
Cooperation in the fight against crime and terrorism And a Global Britain will continue to cooperate with
its European partners in important areas such as crime, terrorism and foreign
affairs. All of us in Europe face the challenge of
cross-border crime, a deadly terrorist threat, and the dangers presented by
hostile states. All of us share interests and values in common, values we
want to see projected around the world. With the threats to our common security becoming
more serious, our response cannot be to cooperate with one another less, but
to work together more. I therefore want our future relationship with the
European Union to include practical arrangements on matters of law
enforcement and the sharing of intelligence material with our EU allies. I am proud of the role Britain has played and will
continue to play in promoting Europe's security. Britain has led Europe on the
measures needed to keep our continent secure - whether it is implementing
sanctions against Russia following its action in Crimea, working for peace
and stability in the Balkans, or securing Europe's external border. We will
continue to work closely with our European allies in foreign and defence policy even as we leave the EU itself. 12. A smooth,
orderly Brexit These are our objectives for the negotiation ahead –
objectives that will help to realise our ambition
of shaping that stronger, fairer, Global Britain that we want to see. They are the basis for a new, strong, constructive
partnership with the European Union – a partnership of friends and allies, of
interests and values. A partnership for a strong EU and a strong UK. But there is one further objective we are setting.
For as I have said before – it is in no one's interests for there to be a
cliff-edge for business or a threat to stability, as we change from our
existing relationship to a new partnership with the EU. By this, I do not mean that we will seek some form
of unlimited transitional status, in which we find ourselves stuck forever in
some kind of permanent political purgatory. That would not be good for
Britain, but nor do I believe it would be good for the EU. Instead, I want us to have reached an agreement
about our future partnership by the time the two-year Article Fifty process
has concluded. From that point onwards, we believe a phased process of
implementation, in which both Britain and the EU institutions and member
states prepare for the new arrangements that will exist between us will be in our mutual self-interest. This will give
businesses enough time to plan and prepare for those new arrangements. This might be about our immigration controls,
customs systems or the way in which we cooperate on criminal justice matters.
Or it might be about the future legal and regulatory framework for financial
services. For each issue, the time we need to phase-in the new arrangements
may differ. Some might be introduced very quickly, some might take longer.
And the interim arrangements we rely upon are likely to be a matter of
negotiation. But the purpose is clear: we will seek to avoid a
disruptive cliff-edge, and we will do everything we can to phase in the new
arrangements we require as Britain and the EU move towards our new
partnership. So, these are the objectives we have set. Certainty
wherever possible. Control of our own laws. Strengthening the United Kingdom.
Maintaining the Common Travel Area with Ireland. Control of immigration.
Rights for EU nationals in Britain, and British nationals in the EU.
Enhancing rights for workers. Free trade with European markets. New trade
agreements with other countries. A leading role in science and innovation.
Cooperation on crime, terrorism and foreign affairs. And a phased approach,
delivering a smooth and orderly Brexit. This is the framework of a deal that will herald a
new partnership between the UK and the EU. It is a comprehensive and carefully considered plan that
focuses on the ends, not just the means – with its eyes fixed firmly on the
future, and on the kind of country we will be once we leave. It reflects the hard work of many in this room today
who have worked tirelessly to bring it together and to prepare this country
for the negotiation ahead. And it will, I know, be debated and discussed at
length. That is only right. But those who urge us to reveal more – such as
the blow-by-blow details of our negotiating strategy, the areas in which we
might compromise, the places where we think there are
potential trade-offs - will not be acting in the national interest. Because this is not a game or a time for opposition
for opposition's sake. It is a crucial and sensitive negotiation that will define
the interests and the success of our country for many years to come. And it
is vital that we maintain our discipline. That is why I have said before – and will continue
to say – that every stray word and every hyped up media report is going to
make it harder for us to get the right deal for Britain. Our opposite numbers
in the European Commission know it, which is why they are keeping their
discipline. And the ministers in this Government know it too, which is why we
will also maintain ours. So however frustrating some people find it, the
Government will not be pressured into saying more than I believe it is in our
national interest to say. Because it is not my job to fill column inches with
daily updates, but to get the right deal for Britain. And that is what I
intend to do. I am confident that a deal – and a new strategic
partnership between the UK and the EU – can be achieved. This is firstly because, having held conversations
with almost every leader from every single EU member state; having spent time
talking to the senior figures from the European institutions, including
President Tusk, President Juncker, and President
Schulz; and after my Cabinet colleagues David Davis, Philip Hammond and Boris
Johnson have done the same with their interlocutors, I am confident that the
vast majority want a positive relationship between the UK and the EU after Brexit. And I am confident that the objectives I am
setting out today are consistent with the needs of the EU and its Member
States. (Kommentar der LN: in rot kursiv gesetzt
ist eine happige Drohung. Motto:
„Wir könnten auch anders … “ ) That is why our
objectives include a proposed Free Trade Agreement between Britain and the
European Union, and explicitly rule out membership of the EU's Single Market.
Because when the EU's leaders say they believe the four freedoms of the
Single Market are indivisible, we respect that position. When the 27 Member
States say they want to continue their journey inside the European Union, we
not only respect that fact but support it. Because we do not
want to undermine the Single Market, and we do not want to undermine the
European Union. We want the EU to be a success and we want its remaining
member states to prosper. And of course we want the same for Britain. And the second reason I believe it is possible to
reach a good deal is that the kind of agreement I have described today is the
economically rational thing that both Britain and the EU should aim for.
Because trade is not a zero sum game: more of it makes us all more
prosperous. Free trade between Britain and the European Union means more
trade, and more trade means more jobs and more wealth creation. The erection
of new barriers to trade, meanwhile, means the reverse: less trade, fewer
jobs, lower growth. The third and final reason I believe we can come to
the right agreement is that cooperation between Britain and the EU is needed
not just when it comes to trade but when it comes to our security too. Britain and France are Europe's only two nuclear
powers. We are the only two European countries with permanent seats on the
United Nations Security Council. Britain's armed forces are a crucial part of
Europe's collective defence. And our intelligence capabilities – unique in Europe
– have already saved countless lives in very many terrorist plots that have
been thwarted in countries across our continent. After Brexit,
Britain wants to be a good friend and neighbour in
every way, and that includes defending the safety and security of all of our
citizens. So I believe the framework I have outlined today is
in Britain's interests. It is in Europe's interests. And it is in the
interests of the wider world. But I must be clear. Britain wants to remain a good
friend and neighbour to Europe. Yet I know there
are some voices calling for a punitive deal that punishes Britain and
discourages other countries from taking the same path. That would be an act of calamitous self-harm for the
countries of Europe. And it would not be the act of a friend. Britain would not – indeed we could not – accept
such an approach. And while I am confident that this scenario need never
arise - while I am sure a positive agreement can be reached – I am equally
clear that no deal for Britain is better than a bad deal for Britain. Because we would still be able to trade with Europe.
We would be free to strike trade deals across the world. And we would have
the freedom to set the competitive tax rates and embrace the policies that
would attract the world's best companies and biggest investors to Britain.
And – if we were excluded from accessing the Single Market – we would be free
to change the basis of Britain's economic model. But for the EU, it would mean new barriers to trade
with one of the biggest economies in the world. It would jeopardise
investments in Britain by EU companies worth more than half a trillion
pounds. It would mean a loss of access for European firms to the financial
services of the City of London. It would risk exports from the EU to Britain
worth around £290bn every year. And it would disrupt the sophisticated and
integrated supply chains upon which many EU companies rely. Important sectors of the EU economy would also
suffer. We are a crucial - profitable - export market for Europe's automotive
industry, as well as sectors including energy, food and drink, chemicals,
pharmaceuticals, and agriculture. These sectors employ millions of people
around Europe. And I do not believe that the EU's leaders will seriously tell
German exporters, French farmers, Spanish fishermen, the young unemployed of
the Eurozone, and millions of others, that they
want to make them poorer, just to punish Britain and make a political point. For all these reasons - and because of our shared
values and the spirit of goodwill that exists on both sides - I am confident
that we will follow a better path. I am confident that a positive agreement
can be reached. It is right that the Government should prepare for
every eventuality - but to do so in the knowledge that a constructive and
optimistic approach to the negotiations to come is in the best interests of
Europe and the best interests of Britain. We do not approach these negotiations expecting
failure, but anticipating success. Because we are a great, global nation with so much
to offer Europe and so much to offer the world. One of the world's largest and strongest economies.
With the finest intelligence services, the bravest armed forces, the most
effective hard and soft power, and friendships, partnerships and alliances in
every continent. And another thing that's important. The essential
ingredient of our success. The strength and support of 65 million people
willing us to make it happen. Because after all the division and discord, the
country is coming together. The referendum was divisive at times. And those
divisions have taken time to heal. But one of the reasons that Britain's democracy has
been such a success for so many years is that the strength of our identity as
one nation, the respect we show to one another as fellow citizens, and the
importance we attach to our institutions means that when a vote has been held
we all respect the result. The victors have the responsibility to act
magnanimously. The losers have the responsibility to respect the legitimacy
of the outcome. And the country comes together. And that is what we are seeing today. Business isn't
calling to reverse the result, but planning to make a success of it. The
House of Commons has voted overwhelmingly for us to get on with it. And the
overwhelming majority of people - however they voted - want us to get on with
it too. So that is what we will do. Not merely forming a new partnership with Europe,
but building a stronger, fairer, more Global Britain too. And let that be the legacy of our time. The prize
towards which we work. The destination at which we arrive once the
negotiation is done. And let us do it not for ourselves, but for those
who follow. For the country's children and grandchildren too. So that when future generations look back at this
time, they will judge us not only by the decision that we made, but by what
we made of that decision. They will see that we shaped them a brighter future. They will know that we built them a better Britain.” |